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Why Are We Boycotting the National Student Survey?

What is the NSS boycott?

The National Student Survey (NSS) is a questionnaire final-year undergraduate students are encouraged to fill out, ostensibly to measure ‘student satisfaction’ with their course. Following a motion passed at NUS conference last year, students across the country are campaigning to boycott the Survey . This is part of a wider strategy to stop the higher education reforms currently rolling through parliament, by jamming one of the reform’s key mechanisms.

The boycott as a tactic to stop the HE reforms

The Survey itself is a terrible series of metrics for measuring teaching quality – but that’s not the central reason for the boycott strategy. Primarily, the boycott is a tactic being utilised in a wider campaign to stop the government’s higher education reforms.

The whole student movement – along with the largest academic union – is united in opposition to the HE reforms, which are forcing marketisation on the university sector, raising tuition fees, and allowing private providers further access to education provision. They constitute a wide-ranging assault on the principles of free, liberated, critical education.

To stop this legislation in its tracks, we need some leverage. Persuading and lobbying government ministers is a tried and failed strategy; the government is intent in ramming these reforms through, and at the moment we are failing to stop them. As Marco Giugni, a scholar of social movements from the University of Geneva puts it, “the power to disrupt the institutions and, more generally, the society is the principal resource that social movements have at their disposal to produce a political impact”. We need to rebalance the power asymmetry facing us by mobilising large numbers of students in an attempt to jam the mechanisms that are essential to the reform’s smooth functioning.

Why boycotting the NSS will give us leverage

The scores of the NSS are an integral part of the system of marketisation, metrics and magic tricks being imposed on higher education. They will be directly related to the right of universities to raise tuition fees (as the scores contribute to universities’ ranking in the Teaching Excellence Framework [TEF], and institutions which rank highly on the TEF will have the right to raise fees).

The NSS can only work if the data it produces has some credibility. Ipsos MORI, the company which runs the Survey, usually refuses to use data from universities which fail to get 50% of their students to fill out the Survey over a number of years. If we can drive down participation in the Survey below 50% (this may take a sustained boycott over two or more years) then the data will be officially junk, unable to be used. Achieving this doesn’t require uniform engagement with the boycott by all students and all unions; the level of participation required for tactical success is well within the abilities of the NUS and NCAFC to achieve. UCU, the largest academic union, is also in favour of the tactic, opening up copious opportunities for effective student-staff solidarity.

If we can wreck the Survey’s data, it will have a number of effects, including rendering one of the prime measures used in calculating the TEF (a central part of the marketisation of higher education) useless, harming the government’s efforts to impose competition on the sector. It will also incentivise those universities with strong boycott campaigns on campus to pressure the government to enter into negotiations with the student movement. Universities where less than 50% of students fill in the Survey may be unable to raise tuition fees, giving them a strong financial interest in a seeing a settlement between students and government.

Crucially, the NSS boycott is not a panacea, a one-off golden bullet aimed at the heart of the HE reforms. It will probably have to be performed over a number of years, and will have to be combined with a range of other tactics, from a local to a national level: information events, national demos, direct action and more. But the NSS boycott is a tactical innovation with real potential for our struggle.

Want to find out more? Attend our ‘Boycott the NSS Forum‘ on Wednesday February 22. 

A version of this article was first published on the National Campaign Against Fees and Cuts website. 

Security barriers in the library - the installation of similar barriers in Bologna was cause for a student occupation and clashes with the police

The National Education Service as a Radical Vision for Free Education

This blog posts explores some of the radical potentials of demanding a National Education Service within the Labour Party and beyond. It is based on a talk given by a WFFE activist to the Non-Aligned Leftist Forum society on ‘What is the left’s vision for education?’

The National Education Service (NES) was a policy proposed by Jeremy Corbyn prior to his election as Labour Party leader. It is now, nominally, Labour’s flagship education policy. However, little has been written about it beyond a couple of articles by Corbyn. The recent National Campaign Against Fees and Cuts conference, hosted at Warwick by WFFE activists, further developed those ideas, making them both clearer and more radical.

So what is the NES all about? There is an explicit analogy to the NHS and welfare state – the NES is to be ‘cradle-to-grave’ and ‘free-at-the-point-of-use.’ It is also sold as providing skills and lifelong learning in order to allow workers to adapt to economic and technological change. This is framed as both a way to give workers ‘opportunities’ and a way of providing skilled workers to businesses in order to boost productivity. Taxation to pay for the NES is justified on this basis; according to Corbyn, companies should be willing to pay ‘slightly more in corporation tax’ because they recognise the ‘business case for investing in staff.’

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The framing of the NES is a classically social democratic one: the state will deal with producing and reproducing human capital and social infrastructure which will benefit capital – in turn capital is expected to contribute to the costs of these policies. There is a tension here; education is described as a ‘collective good’ which provides working class people with ‘opportunities,’ yet the NES is also framed as an ‘investment’ designed to aid productivity and capital accumulation. Social democracy has been extensively criticised for its symbiotic relationship with capital; this relationship allows improvements for (some) workers to come at the expense of continued alienation and exploitation, and the exclusion of more marginalised groups from the settlement. Indeed, the NHS (which the NES is posed as analogous to), is a prime example – it has in large part relied on an imperialist ‘brain drain’ of healthcare professionals from the global south, and like all policies of the 1945 Labour government, was premised on the profits of the Empire. Thus, there is always a tension at work in radical anti-capitalists’ defences of social democratic policies and institutions. How can anti-capitalists defend policies which are explicitly designed to maintain the conditions for exploitation and accumulation?

We must always point to possibilities beyond what we are ‘defending.’

We can see this at work in the experiences of student activists. As activists, we ‘defend education,’ protect ‘public universities,’ and fight cuts to services. However, we have also found it necessary to point out major structural problems with universities as they exist now. This is why ‘free education’ has come to encompass much more than abolishing tuition fees. I would argue it has more often come to mean a set of critiques of the university; to call for ‘free, democratic, liberated, etc.’ education is to point out how the social democratic and neoliberal universities have systematically failed to meet those criteria. Campaigns like ‘Why Is My Curriculum White?’ have revealed curricula to be Eurocentric and calls for a liberated curriculum have shown how they regularly exclude the work and perspectives of people from the global south, women and non-binary people, people of colour, disabled people, and LGBT people. In practice such demands mean a very significant reorganisation of universities’ teaching, admissions criteria, hiring practices, etc. Other activists critique the university as a capitalist enterprise – one at the forefront of exploitative labour practices, landlordism, and the creation of lifelong debt. Free education activists have been at the forefront of labour struggles within universities and many are now helping organise rent strikes. I will return to these critiques of the university later and suggest how they relate to the NES.

National Education Service – some key concepts

Several important aspects of a National Education Service come out of Corbyn’s writing on the subject and subsequent discussions.

  • The Comprehensive University – this would mean ending the division between higher and further education institutions and the selective and exclusive nature of universities. This is similar to the principle of comprehensive schooling – the same education, for everyone, with no entry requirements. In practice this means abolishing universities as they currently exist. For example, Oxford University would merge with Oxford Brookes as well as local further education colleges; in their place would be a single institution open to, and democratically accountable to, the local community and students. It is clear how this would start to break down the elitist concentration of capital and resources in institutions like Russell Group universities.
  • Modular learning – based on the idea that you don’t have to be a student and study a particular degree course in order to learn about something. This becomes possible with the breakdown of HE/FE divisions to form the comprehensive university; anyone can study a module offered by any local teaching institution. In my opinion the implications of this for mass, working class education are massive, much more so than the entry of – some – working class people into universities. If, for example, you’re doing a course in plumbing or carpentry at an FE college in Coventry, why shouldn’t you be able to take a module in history, English literature, or sociology at the University of Warwick? Is there any good reason for this absolute division of mental and manual labour which says that a carpenter or plumber can’t also take an interest in history, poetry, or feminist theory?
  • Lifelong learning – strongly related to modular learning. A move away from the ‘student’ as something you are full-time for a few years – people should be able to access education as a significant part of their life, alongside other things, at any stage in their life. Importantly this should not just be framed as a way to ‘retrain’ workers in the face of ‘economic change’ but as a right to education as a transformative, creative, political, or even ‘just’ an enjoyable activity.
  • Ending ‘elite’ education – alongside the comprehensive university there would be a parallel process at the school level to provide a truly comprehensive education. This means no more grammar, free, academy, or private schools. Further, schools should not try to model themselves on the cultural and academic norms of (former) private and grammar schools.
  • Universal access and childcare – arguably one of the most laudable parts of Corbyn’s proposals for the NES is his focus on providing childcare as well as financial support for those wishing to study. As with many other activities, many women’s ability to access education is limited by childcare responsibilities. Patriarchal society imposes the burden of social reproductive labour mainly on women. Social reproduction is the labour of maintaining the household, raising children, supporting (male) workers – it is vital to the continuation of capitalism but generally not recognised or paid for as such, forcing women to take a ‘double shift’ of waged ‘productive’ labour alongside unwaged ‘reproductive’ labour. Free childcare is thus a vital feminist demand and the NES is an important framework in which to raise it.

Critiques of the university and of students as a ‘privileged’ group

It is important to begin this section with the caveat that students are by no means a universally privileged group and that universities can be sites of impoverishment and oppression for many of us. However, at an institutional level there are ways in which students are privileged over non-students. I was struck by this when I recently visited one of the main public libraries in Sheffield. The sociology section was one small shelving unit which was pretty small and contained mostly entry level or popular works (including Russell Brand’s ‘Revolution’!). We can compare this to our university library at Warwick which has more on any given aspect of sociology than the Sheffield library had on the subject as a whole; and that library is only serving around 25,000 people.

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Security barriers in the library – the installation of similar barriers in Bologna was cause for a student occupation and clashes with the police

Universities must be understood as fulfilling a particular function in class society. They exist to produce knowledge necessary to the functioning of the state, capitalist corporations, cultural institutions, the military, etc. They also reproduce class divisions by producing the next generation of managers, administrators, and technicians of capitalism. Older elite universities like Oxford, Cambridge, and Durham have always been ruling class institutions and have accumulated huge pools of capital on that basis. For example embodied in their endowments or in grand old buildings. Newer elite universities like Warwick have forged their identities as ‘business universities;’ here the link to capitalist industry is explicit and, in many departments, includes direct corporate input into curriculums.

The University of Warwick has a long history of collaboration with local business elites, including historically monitoring of students’ and academics’ links with local worker struggle.

When coming across large accumulated pools of capital we should always ask where it came from and what social relations – indeed, violences – allowed it to be accumulated. Marx wrote in Volume 1 of Capital that ‘capital comes [into the world] dripping from head to foot, from every pore, with blood and dirt.’

Rhodes Must Fall In Oxford, for instance, highlights that libraries and even whole colleges at Oxford are literally built on the proceeds of slavery and colonialism. More broadly this is true of many ruling class institutions and of social democratic institutions which are largely funded by the accumulated profits of imperialism.

Universities largely began as elite institutions for the children of the ruling class. The picture has been complicated now by mass entry of working class young people into Higher Education – in many ways a genuine and important victory for the class. However, access to university is still stratified by race and class. More fundamentally the rollout of universities is based on an expansion of elite institutions to be more ‘inclusive’ – they are still selective and the ‘best’ universities are only looking for the most ‘bright’ and ‘talented’ working class youth to bring into a middle and upper class institutions. Working class experience of entry into university often reflects this, and graduate earnings map more closely to social class prior to university than to the fact of being a graduate. One study found that:

Graduates from richer family backgrounds earn significantly more after graduation than their poorer counterparts, even after completing the same degrees from the same universities.

This is where the idea of a comprehensive university comes in. It would be non-selective and not oriented purely to producing ‘employable’ graduates but to lifelong, flexible learning for all. It would effectively mean the abolition of the university as a distinct institution. Thus universities’ often state-of-the-art facilities and extensive academic libraries would be open to the community at large and control of universities’ capital would be democratised and shared with chronically underfunded FE courses.

No more highly securitised libraries and study spaces, no more key-card access! Access to academic libraries and online journals for everyone!

Working class education, the NES, and grassroots struggle

The NES, as I have conceptualised it here, is more than a policy proposal – it is a potential theoretical approach analogous to ‘free education’ which relates to many struggles, demands, and principles. As such I think it is important to think beyond the Labour Party and policy-makers so I’m going to highlight a few struggles which I think point towards the principles of the NES.

Students in Bologna have sought to put into practice the demands suggested above about free access to libraries and study spaces. When management sought to set up barriers to further enclose their library they physically removed them and reclaimed the space through occupying it. As our statement of solidarity with the students states:

The occupation was an absolute success: the space was crowded and busy, and people were even seen studying in the corridors. Without notice, the Chancellor called the police a few hours after the occupation started, who immediately charged the people inside, destroying tables, chairs and other studying material. To resist, the students started a demonstration around the University which was also violently dispersed by the police forces. Nevertheless, assemblies continue to take place, and the fight will continue.

In addition to expressing our solidarity with the fight against enclosure of study spaces and police presence on campuses the statement noted that:

Warwick’s own first occupation was in the library in 1969 in solidarity with students at the LSE who were fighting against the installation of metal gates around their campus. These gates were designed to increase management control over the LSE and create a more exclusive gate-kept community. Warwick stood against such moves then, and we stand against them today.

The borders between ‘university’ and ‘community’ are not fixed, and how porous they are is a matter of struggle as the examples of the Bologna and LSE occupations demonstrates.

As was already highlighted above, Rhodes Must Fall in Oxford can be seen as advancing a critique of the university. The campaign is seeking to get the statue of British colonialist and racist Cecil Rhodes removed from Oriel College. They have also points out other parts of Oxford built on the proceeds of colonialism – e.g. the Codrington Library, built using funds left in the will of a notorious slave trader. This campaign is important in advancing a critique of elite universities as they relate to capitalism, the ruling class, and colonialism; it is also telling that Oriel made the decision not to remove the statue after an incredibly wealthy individual threatened to cancel a £100m donation.

Such institutions really ought to be abolished and their control by wealthy individuals broken. Let’s expropriate racist multimillionaires and tear down their beloved statues.

In this context, I would argue, dissolving Oxford University into a city-wide comprehensive would be a profoundly radical expression of class and racial justice which no amount of greater ‘inclusion’ of working class students and students of colour into the uni could match. The occupation of an empty Wadham College building by student activists and its conversion into a homeless shelter is a good start!

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Finally, if we see the NES as promising a right to free, universal, lifelong education then the labour movement has a vital part to play in realising this. The length of the working day has always been a central part of class struggle – our labour-power is a commodity which capitalists purchase and then use to produce value. What this means is that they want to get as much out of us as possible for as low wages as possible. If it was possible they would like to pay us barely enough to live on and to work 24 hours a day, 7 days a week. Of course, there are physical limits that prevent this, but the question of how much a worker needs to work in order to earn enough to live is also a question of the relative power of workers and bosses.

Bearing this in mind the labour movement can assert a right to lifelong intellectual development and education in a concrete rather than abstract sense – the right to sufficient free time to take courses alongside work, and of work that does not take so much out of us that we have no capacity to think, reflect, or read outside of work hours. Struggles over the working day, wages, and perhaps even a basic income can provide the material basis of this right.

Conclusion

In communist society, where nobody has one exclusive sphere of activity but each can become accomplished in any branch he [sic] wishes, society regulates the general production and thus makes it possible for me to do one thing today and another tomorrow, to hunt in the morning, fish in the afternoon, rear cattle in the evening, criticise after dinner, just as I have a mind, without ever becoming hunter, fisherman, herdsman or critic.

Karl Marx, The German Ideology

I want to end by highlighting the radical implications of a system based on lifelong modular learning rather than universities as 3-year degree factories.

In my mind it points to a post-capitalist society, one in which divisions of mental and manual labour are broken down, as are the class divisions which enforce this divide. A society which truly enables people to be well-rounded, free human beings. A National Education Service, in social democratic or radical form, will not give us that society – but it does point in the right direction. As student activists in California wrote in their Communique From An Absent Future:

We demand not a free university but a free society.  A free university in the midst of a capitalist society is like a reading room in a prison.

I would argue that a creative rethinking of the institutions we take for granted in capitalist society, even superficially progressive ones, can help us fight for that free society.

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Don’t be bribed – boycott the NSS!

“A clicktivists dream – boycott the NSS today!”

Many of you might have received emails promoting the NSS, the National Student Survey, asking you to vote for a charity to which your department will donate £3 per filled-in survey (some departments will even donate more depending on the percentage of students who fill in the survey) and promising you another £5 on your Eating @ Warwick Card for your feedback on your course. And what’s not to like, right?

My department will donate to the Warwick Cancer Research Centre. Surely a noble cause?

But wait! Wasn’t there something about the NSS and the Higher Education Reforms? Something about higher tuition fees?

Yep, the data from the NSS will play a key role in the Teaching Excellence Framework (TEF), a crucial part of the governments disastrous Higher Education Reforms, which will lead to increased marketisation of our education and make it easer for private providers to award degrees. The TEF claims to measure teaching quality and will rank universities into gold, silver and bronze categories. Sounds nice, doesn’t it? Who doesn’t want to go to an institution where the teaching quality is outstanding? Except that neither the NSS nor the TEF actually measure what they claim to do. Your satisfaction with your course does not necessarily say anything about the teaching, your lecturer might have delivered excellent classes and make you think out of the box, but students who don’t like to be challenged might give them a bad rating. Research has also shown that (sometimes unconscious) student bias based on e.g. the ethnicity of their lecturer influence how they rate their teachers. Other metrics that will go into the TEF are graduate employment and salary, again something that has little to do with teaching quality, as the decision which job someone works in is a very complex one and is not exclusively dependent on the course they studied. In fact, another study has found that NSS scores are entirely unrelated to teaching quality.

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So the NSS and the TEF don’t measure teaching quality – but what makes them so bad?

According to their rank in the TEF, universities will be allowed to further increase their tuition fees and by 2020, some institutions might charge more than £12,000 for home undergraduate students with no guarantee that tuition fees might become uncapped in the near future. And obviously, the TEF is not an isolated scheme, but it is part of the governments HE reforms, which come with a whole lot of other dangerous and harmful consequences to education; essentially the end of public higher education as we know it.

So when your department sends you an email claiming that the NSS is fundamentally about you and your relationship to your department, do not be fooled! If your department wants to be “the best possible department in which to be a student”, then this will not be achieved through you filling in the NSS!

And your lecturers and tutors agree! The University College Union (UCU) supports the boycott, as well as the National Union of Students (NUS) and our SU here at Warwick.

If you have something to say about your course, make use of the countless already existing channels for student feedback, talk to your tutors, talk to your SSLCs, talk to the SU…

Higher fees and increased marketisation will not make your department better. And it is not worth those £3 to a “charity of your choice”. Imagine all the money you can donate to charity for the higher fees you won’t have to pay! And it is not worth £5 on your Eating @ Warwick Card either. Again, imagine all the food you could buy if you didn’t have to pay (higher) tuition fees! Those bribes are dishonest, and they show that our departments do not really care about honest feedback. Because if they did, they would not bribe you, distorting the responses they get.

Don’t let yourself be guilt-tripped. Don’t let them make you think the NSS is charitable. And do not let yourself be bribed either. Pledge to boycott today!

FUORI LA POLIZIA DALL’UNIVERSITÀ Warwick For Free Education in solidarity with Bologna students

Link to a video of the police charge.

After Christmas, the University of Bologna decided to restrict access to the “Aula Zamboni” room, a library and study space belonging to the Humanities Faculty. They restricted access to only students enrolled in the University, who would now need a magnetic badge to enter the library.

In response, students launched a petition demanding the immediate re-opening of the space to any inhabitant of the city who desires to study or read. The petition was endorsed by more than 600 people in less than a week. After a week of silence and passivity from the Chancellor, the student movement, in an open assembly, decided to undertake direct action, removing the physical barriers that prevent “non-enrolled students” from passing. Against this, the Chancellor closed the space, forcing the students to occupy the library, freeing the space again. The occupation was an absolute success: the space was crowded and busy, and people were even seen studying in the corridors.

Without notice, the Chancellor called the police a few hours after the occupation started, who immediately charged the people inside, destroying tables, chairs and other studying material. To resist, the students started a demonstration around the University which was also violently dispersed by the police forces. Nevertheless, assemblies continue to take place, and the fight will continue.

We at Warwick For Free Education want to show our strong support and solidarity with Bologna students and the Italian student movement in their struggle against the enclosure of public and free spaces of study. Warwick’s own first occupation was in the library in 1969 in solidarity with students at the LSE who were fighting against the installation of metal gates around their campus. These gates were designed to increase management control over the LSE and create a more exclusive gate-kept community. Warwick stood against such moves then, and we stand against them today. It is sadly standard across the UK to refuse access to the public to university libraries, which are far better stocked and resourced than public libraries designed for entire cities. It is time the student movement started seriously putting the freeing of knowledge for the whole community back on the table, inspired by the example of the Italian students.

COPS OFF OUR CAMPUS!                        FUORI POLIZIA DALL’UNIVERISTÀ!

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PRESS RELEASE: Warwick occupation ends as University management make key concessions

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

Contact: 07954402113, 07901844980

  • Warwick For Free Education occupiers to leave the Slate building by the end of the day after accepting offer from University management
  • The University commits to scrapping the protest injunction and issues apology for their handling of the events of December 3rd 2014, as well as committing to amending campus trade union recognition agreement so that all hourly-paid academic staff can have full UCU representation
  • Stuart Croft, Vice-Chancellor, to publish press release criticising government’s higher education reforms

At around 10am this morning (16th December 2016), University of Warwick Vice Chancellor Stuart Croft released a public statement detailing an agreement that had been reached between senior management and student protesters. This follows a two week-long occupation of the Slate, a brand new £5.3 million conference building, by a group of free education activists who were protesting against the government’s Teaching Excellence Framework, casualisation of academic staff, and repression of protest.

In the statement, the Vice-Chancellor gives an apology for the University’s handling of the events of December 3, 2014, which saw a student sit-in broken up violently by police. The University has also pledged to legally scrap the protest injunction that has been imposed indefinitely across the whole of campus since December 2014. These wins represented full concession to the third demand of the occupiers.

The University has also committed to initiating a process, alongside campus trade unions, by which the recognition agreement between the University and the Warwick University and College Union (UCU) branch will be amended to include all hourly-paid academic staff. This will mean casualised teachers will be included in the remit of UCU’s formal negotiation and collective bargaining processes, which occupiers noted as a win which would hugely strengthen the capability of hourly-paid staff to organise collectively. The Vice-Chancellor also agreed to meet with representatives of Warwick Anti-Casualisation in January to start a dialogue around their 6 demands campaign.

Though the University has refused to overturn their decision to opt into the government’s Teaching Excellence Framework, which was the original first demand of the occupiers, the Vice-Chancellor has publicly acknowledged that the TEF is fundamentally flawed and not fit-for-purpose, and that the University is opting into it because of the government’s threats around restrictions on international students. The Vice-Chancellor has further committed to publishing a press release detailing his concerns around the government’s HE Bill and the marketisation of higher education, as well as incorporating views raised by students and staff in the Warwick community. Occupiers have claimed that forcing senior management to be open about their decision to opt in to TEF and to publicly criticise the government’s reforms represents a significant win for accountability and transparency at the University.

Alicia Shearsby, Warwick For Free Education (WFFE) activist, said, “The scrapping of the injunction and the apology for December 3, 2014 are hugely significant for activists who are still impacted by the events of that day, and who have fought so hard for this victory for over two years. It also represents a massive win for the fundamental freedom to protest on campus.”

Arianna Tassinari, PhD student at Warwick, said, “Full UCU representation for all hourly-paid staff will mark an incredibly important step in the campaign for fair working conditions for casualised teachers. It is a win which could be replicated across the sector, and we hope will provide a springboard for further victories in the future.”

Connor Woodman, National Committee member of the National Campaign Against Fees and Cuts (NCAFC), said, “This win by Warwick activists demonstrates just how powerful and effective collective direct action can be. At a time when there are so many challenges facing students and staff in higher education, it is crucial to remember what radical grassroots organising can achieve.”

The student activists have highlighted their intentions to continue campaigning around these key issues following the success of the occupation.

Warwick For Free Education’s full statement can be read here: https://warwick4freeducation.wordpress.com/2016/12/16/statement-occupation-ends-with-big-concessions-from-management-but-the-struggle-continues/

The University’s statement can be read here: http://www2.warwick.ac.uk/newsandevents/pressreleases/statement_from_stuart/

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***STATEMENT: OCCUPATION ENDS WITH BIG CONCESSIONS FROM MANAGEMENT, BUT THE STRUGGLE CONTINUES!***

We are proud to announce that after lengthy discussion and negotiation with the University, we have reached agreement on several of our demands, and will be ending the Slate occupation.

The University have fully agreed to our third demand: to legally scrap the injunction and to apologise for their handling of the events of December 3rd. This is a huge victory for so many of us who were directly and deeply affected by these events, as well as for the protection of the right to protest for all students at Warwick both now and in the future.

With regard to Warwick Anti-Casualisation’s demands for fair teaching conditions, the University have committed to revising the recognition agreement in place with the Warwick University and College Union (UCU) branch in order to fully include hourly-paid teachers in the remit of UCU’s formal negotiation and collective bargaining processes. The University will do so in collaboration with campus unions. This could set a precedent for casualised workers across the sector, and it has been recognised by Warwick Anti-Casualisation as a very positive first victory for hourly paid tutors at Warwick, as it greatly strengthens their capacity to organise collectively and advance their demands through formal collective bargaining channels. The University have also committed to a start date in January 2017 for discussions with Warwick Anti-Casualisation, the SU, UCU and University senior management about the six demands raised by Warwick Anti-Casualisation. Whilst this is only the start of a process, it is nonetheless a very concrete and positive step forward in the fight to win proper employment rights and better working conditions for all hourly paid tutors at Warwick.

Finally, the University has publicly acknowledged that the Teaching Excellence Framework (TEF) is fundamentally flawed, in that it will not in fact measure ‘teaching excellence’, and that the government is using the threat of caps on international students to push institutions into opting into the TEF. The Vice-Chancellor has also highlighted that the Higher Education & Research Bill poses huge threats to the sector which need challenging, and has committed to publishing and sending out a press release detailing the University’s concerns as well as the concerns already expressed by the student and staff community at Warwick. Whilst it is disheartening that the University will not be changing their decision to opt into TEF, it is significant that the occupation was able to force the institution to be more transparent about the reasoning behind their decisions, as well as to openly voice their criticisms of this government’s visions for higher education.

We believe these achievements demonstrate the legitimacy, strength and impact of disruptive direct action tactics in shifting the balance of power and winning real material gains, especially when repressive measures seek to undermine the right to protest and invalidate the political and historical necessity of such tactics.

However, the struggle is far from over. We recognise that there is still so much more that must be done on both local and national levels to challenge the damaging direction in which higher education is being pushed, and to fight for our vision of an education system which is free, democratic and accessible to all.

It goes without saying that we will continue to defend the right to protest, to stand alongside academic staff in pushing for fair working conditions, and to fight by any means necessary against the government’s disastrous higher education reforms.

The last two weeks have been inspiring, empowering, and of great political significance on both the local and national level. Together, we have created and sustained a vibrant and welcoming space which has been shared by hundreds of students and staff, and which has facilitated truly collaborative political education, as well as successfully forcing senior management to concede on some crucial issues. We have received overwhelming support and solidarity from students, staff and education activists from across the country, and we look forward to maintaining and developing these links further.

Though this occupation was just one pocket of resistance, and though not all the demands were met in full, there is so much to take away from the experience; to cultivate, to build upon, and to channel into further action in the future. We warmly welcome anyone who wishes to join us in that endeavour.

VICTORY TO THE OCCUPATION!
THE STRUGGLE CONTINUES!

The university’s statement can be read here.

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Statement on Conference Workers’ Unpaid Wages

It has been brought to our attention that whilst the Slate remains occupied, there are conference workers who are unable to carry out shifts that were planned for events inside the building, and thus may have experienced a loss of income. This is an issue which we take incredibly seriously, and which clearly deserves an official response.  

As an activist group, we have spent the last two years forging links and connections of solidarity with many staff on campus. We view this as an absolutely essential element of our organising and political outlook, and this is strongly reflected in the demands and statement on our ongoing occupation, as well as the incredible widespread support we’ve had from staff not just at Warwick, but across the country.

Right now at Warwick, hourly paid teachers are struggling to make ends meet because of the exploitative employment practices of this University, and that is one of the key reasons we are in occupation. This relentless agenda of casualisation has impacts not only for academic staff, but for workers across the whole institution, and it’s ultimately responsible for situations where work can simply be withdrawn without protection or notice. If the University offered robust and stable contracts to all its workers, then it would not be possible for staff to lose out on income because of factors beyond their control, as is currently the case with the occupation and the related cancellation of events in the Slate building.

If seminars had to be cancelled due to a lecture room being occupied, or flooded, we think it would only be fair for the University to pay for the hours that affected seminar tutors were scheduled to work. The same should absolutely apply to Warwick Conferences’ workers whose shifts have been disrupted.  It is not fair that workers don’t get paid because events in the Slate have been cancelled: the fact that this can happen in first place is because the kind of employment practices and contractual forms that the University and Warwick Conferences adopt allow them to pay workers by the hour without any kind of security or any duty being placed on the employer to guarantee workers’ income or hours even in case of business disruption. This effectively allows employers to shift the business risk completely onto the workers, who are necessarily more vulnerable and suffer disproportionately if their hours are cancelled. We should be clear that in this case it is the employer who is at fault, as they implement hyper-flexible, exploitative employment practices which leave workers in a situation of structural insecurity.

The University has many staff in its upper management ranks earning hundreds of thousands of pounds each a year.  Meanwhile, hourly paid tutors are carrying out often hundreds of hours of unpaid labour and training without even being considered employees by the University and cleaners still do not receive a real living wage and are having their breaks taken away. The business model of Warwick treats staff as disposable: in front of this injustice, we won’t stay silent. When students are increasingly impoverished, dispossessed by extortionately expensive services, spiralling debt, insufficient accommodation, inadequate levels of study space, and underfunded and overstretched welfare services, as more money is pumped into capital investment – we will not stand idly by. The University’s actions are disgusting, and must be challenged, especially when they criminalise those who dare to speak out.

It must also be stressed that the University could have avoided this occupation even happening in the first place, had it truly taken on board the voices of students and staff at Warwick. It could have listened to the staff Assembly nine months ago in regard to the TEF as well as the democratic will of the Students’ Union; it could have decided to meaningfully engage with the concerns that hourly paid workers have been raising since the Teach Higher fiasco in 2015; it could have scrapped the injunction and apologised for the events of December 3rd 2014 long ago instead of perpetuating division, anger and trauma for two years.

Hence this occupation was borne out of political necessity – those who are participating (and thus risking quite a lot) are doing so because the diabolical situation facing both students and staff here at Warwick and beyond requires urgent, direct opposition. By meaningfully negotiating with us, the University can end this impasse. So far they have failed to do so, and with the occupation entering its second week, we urge them to change their position.

Furthermore, we call on University management to reimburse any conference workers who may have lost out on income as a result of the occupation. This is clearly the route that an employer who truly cared about the well-being of its staff would take; it’s time that Warwick put its money where its mouth is.